Speech #680116450

Scotland. Wales. and Ireland own. and those born in Sweden own farm values to the extent of $85.521.098 more than those who come from Great Britain and Ireland during the same period. Yet the immigration qubta from Great Britain and Ireland is increased under this bill by 28.653 and that of Norway cut down 4.020 and that of: Sweden 5.854. Farmers born in Germany own and operate farm values to the amount of about three times that 6f all those born in Great TBritain and Ireland. yet the German quota is decreased 28.111 and that of Great Britain and Ireland increased 28.653. I bring out these facts not because I have any but the highest regard for the people of the British Isles. nor am I actuated by any racial feelings. but the conference bill has cut the Johnson bill all to pieces for the purpose of improving it. to keep out immigrants that would drift into the cities and turn the tide of Immigration onto the farm. In fact. the preference for farmer immigrants is so pronounced that onehalf of our whole immigration is expected to go onto the farm. The House managers have surrendered -all along the line. .Thy have either been weak kneed or they were not sincere when the Johnson bill was debated and passed in the House. Every imaginable scheme for a quota basis was proposed during the discussions in the House. Two per cent of .1890. 2 per cent of 1910. 2 per cent of 1920 census. as well as 2 per cent of an average .of the .1890. 1900. 1910. and 1920 censuses -were proposed and all voted down except what be.came the heart of the Johnson bill. 2 per cent of the 1890 census. All through the debate the demand resounded that we would go back to the census that gave us the best immigration. the immigration that went onto the farm. the immi.gration that built our empire. After having fought off all assaults on the .2 per cent of 1890 quota basis of the Johnson bill in the House. why did the House managers. surrender and accept I per cent of the 1920 census as a quota basis after July 1. 19277 What protection will there be in this immigration .bill for labor? .The quota from countries with :mostly nonagricultural im.migration has been increased by 36.923. while the quotas from countries that would send mostly agricultural immigrants has been reduced by 47.852. This will result in the conference bill under its July 1. 1927. provision throwing -about 40.000 tmore immigrants into our cities to compete witla labor than would the Jolnson bill with its 2 per cent of the 1890 census quota basis. The Steel Trust barons. the meat packers. the mine owners. and those that actfor them and speak for them .il hall this bill as a good law. Perhaps also AngloSaxon jingoes will hail It as a piece of patriotic legislation. but labor will find out that it Is the most cunningly workedout scheme to make It swallow a bitter dose of medicine and make It think it likes it. I supported the Johnson bill in many provisions that many men thought were too drastic. I was satisfied to have every immigrant prove that he was a good. moral person and fit to take up the duties of citizenship before we let him in. I stood for the drastic provisions in regard to deportations. But I can not sit idly by and see this nefarious scheme of big business slipped over on the people. The seamens provisions in this bill are so rank that they are beyond comprehension. but I shall not discuss that now. Under this bill we nearly shut out those who have proven that they make the best citizens. those with the highest percentage of literacy and the lowest percentage of crime. the strongest. the most capable. the purest Nordics. 6 We leave provisions in this bill that will rend families asunder. yet we take high moral ground when we do so. The crux of the whole thing is that we give the barons of industry 40.000 more cheap laborers than the .Johnson bill would have given them. It was time wasted to discuss the immigration bill in the House when it was finally written in conference and ratified without debate.